February 2000
Spending followed much the same lines as January. Spending on the campaign’s associates rose to $32,083, but spending on their firms fell to $5176. Other major expense lines came to $46,484, with total spending of $115,895. February saw the addition of another associate, Robert Brunner, with expenses for travel, supply, and salary. Spending for people associated with the campaign included:
Jim Babka $4,693
Robert Brunner (travel, supplies, $2,750 salary)
Erich Covey $630
Robert DeVoil $3,522
Debra Greeson $2,363
Stuart Reges $3,697
Jennifer Willis (salary) $2,000
Steve Willis (phone, office, payroll) $3,761
Perry Willis (campaign management) $4,167
Stephanie Yanik (administrative services) $4,500
TOTAL: $32,083
and two firms long associated with the campaign:
New Media $3,500
Optopia $1,676
TOTAL: $5,176
In addition, there were major expenditures for outside groups:
CopyRight Video $16,018
Polaris Productions $11,500
Mount Vernon Printing $8,544
Walter Karl List Brokerage $4,206
Liam Works $4,000
Newman Communications $3,600
New Media $3,500
The Firm MultiMedia $3,200
AccuMail, Inc. $2,800
Seabreeze Travel $1,161
Laurel Graphx $1,125
TOTAL: $59,653
and to the candidate for travel $1875. In the above, LiamWorks was Harry Browne’s publisher. It produced and distributed books, bumper stickers, etc. not only for the campaign but also to the Libertarian National Committee. The Party National Committee used Browne’s books as premiums for major donors as discussed above.
Spending on campaign associates and their firms had fallen to 31% of all disbursements. Spending on publicity and media was up to $10,300, not to mention $16,000 for making additional copies of Harry Browne’s video.
On February 14, Harry Browne formally declared his candidacy. The final veil had been torn away. Whatever the campaign might have claimed previously about when Browne was required to file, after February 14 there could be absolutely no doubt that Harry Browne was a declared candidate for President of the United States. Now the clock was running. Thirty days after the declaration, it was certainly the case that the Browne Campaign was legally required to file financial disclosure statements with the Federal Election Commission.
The filing requirement should have created a significant quandary for the campaign staff. Their campaign rested in considerable part on an illusion of invincibility. Libertarians believed that the Browne Campaign had huge amounts of money and vast other resources. When FEC reports finally revealed that Browne’s campaign was almost broke and that the Campaign Momentum Thermometer was a deception, the image would shatter. It is hard to see how the Browne campaign could have survived early exposure of the discrepancies between its statements and its fiscal reality. Given a few months to reach the delegates, Browne’s opponents would capitalize on the situation to defeat him.
Browne’s campaign tried one last use of his fabulous warchest. Libertarian National Committee Treasurer Mark Tuniewicz publicly announced that the telephone calls were being made. According to Tuniewicz, prominent Browne fundraiser Michael Cloud was reportedly telephoning State Chairs, pressuring State Chairs to agree that state conventions should only allow Presidential aspirants to speak if they had accumulated at least $250,000 in raised funds. These demands stopped when Tuniewicz made his announcement. Tuniewicz, of course, had no way of knowing that the Browne campaign was no different from its rivals in one respect: The Browne Campaign had far less than $250,000 cash on hand.
Cash on hand was the Campaign Staff’s quandary. Their campaign warchest was quite empty. Any strong opposition to Harry Browne would make sure the Libertarian public learned the truth about the Campaign’s finances. Truth could puncture the bubble atop which the Browne campaign was floating toward the nomination. How could they avoid the sharp bite of honesty?
