Last updated on June 17, 2025
Browne’s announced strategy laying the groundwork for the 2000 Libertarian campaign thus had three independent goals:
(1) The Libertarian Party needed to increase its membership from 22,000 in 1997 to 200,000 by 2000.
(2) By the end of 1999, the Browne campaign needed to stockpile at least $1,000,000 of accumulated cash as a warchest. Note the key operative modifier ‘accumulated’.
(3) By January 2000, the Browne campaign needed a campaign apparatus ready to roll, with TV ads already produced and ready to run.
These were extremely aggressive goals for the Libertarian Party and for Browne’s Campaign.
Under Browne’s strategy, Party members would serve as donors and potential volunteers. The campaign would make a spectacular early launch of Browne 2000 during a quiet phase of the quadrennial campaign news cycle. The ensuing publicity would be used to raise enough new money to keep the Browne campaign in the public eye. Browne cautiously did not say he would not run if his goals were not met.
Browne was now a candidate for the Presidential nomination. Realistically speaking, in 1997 no sane Libertarian could promise “this time, we’re going to capture the White House”. So what did Browne promise to do if nominated?
Browne approached this question in an April, 1997 letter excerpted to Libertarian e-mail lists by Ken Sturzenacker. The letter from “The Harry Browne Exploratory Committee” announced on the outside “Harry Browne may consider a second presidential bid in 2000.” Beyond the February letter, Browne identified needs for 2000: “…we have to run a campaign that’s comparable in size to those of the Republicans and Democrats.” “We need extensive national TV advertising, campaign committees in every state and city, and reporters following the candidate everywhere he goes….”
Browne proposed that a 200,000-member party would supply these needs by providing:
An enormous fund-raising base – one that can provide the money for steady TV advertising, and for professionals who can organize a first-class campaign.
The people to create campaign committees everywhere, to have precinct-walkers who can take our message door-to-door to every American voter if we’re shut out of the debates.
The clout with the press and TV networks to inspire a pack of reporters to dog the candidate wherever he goes, reporting daily on his speeches, meetings, policy proposals, and press conferences.”
In the letter, Browne also set forth steps he needed to accomplish before the beginning of the campaign season:
“But in addition to the party growing, I need to build my name recognition.
“I need to continue appearing on radio talk shows, in front of large crowds, and on TV.
“I need to shore up relationships with media people; the groundwork was laid last year and I don’t want to lose the contacts and respect we achieved.
“If I’m to run in 2000, I need to enter the race as someone who is known by people everywhere – whose face shows up on TV regularly and who is recognized on the street.
I need to become a household name over the next three years. (I’ve already started doing a daily 5-minute radio commentary, and I will write another book soon; but that’s just the beginning of what’s necessary.)”
And finally:
“And, too, if I announce my candidacy at the start of 2000, we need to have a large pile of money already in the bank – ready to start TV advertising and a full-scale campaign.”
The author heard Browne speak at the pre-nomination New Hampshire State Convention. Browne described possible outcomes of the election, asking listeners to imagine, just imagine, if a Libertarian were to do well. Just imagine if a Libertarian Presidential candidate got a million votes. Just imagine if a Libertarian got into the Presidential debates. Just imagine if…. I listened carefully. Browne’s words were beautifully crafted. Browne almost never promised anything. He just asked listeners to ‘just imagine’ that wonderful things would happen, with no explanation of how these things would come to pass or why his nomination would make them more likely.
Candidate speeches are not contracts, designed to survive passage through a fine-toothed comb under the watchful eye of a gaggle of attorneys. Afterward I spoke to New Hampshire Libertarians. Many of them clearly believed that a million votes and a debate appearance against Bush-Gore were specific goals promised by Browne if he got the nomination. Many of them were firmly convinced that these were good goals, perhaps hard to attain. Many of them were firmly convinced that for several reasons, notably that Browne had run before, Browne was the Libertarian most likely to reach the goals they had just been led to imagine. Many of them said that they supported Browne, though when it came time for Browne’s New Hampshire supporters to become activists and work for Browne’s campaign these New Hampshire convention attendees had faded from the scene.
