Last updated on October 2, 2025
A New Campaign Strategy
Throughout October and on to Election Day Browne’s campaign also continued to raise money for its own coffers. After October 18, the Browne campaign launched a new campaign strategy, a strategy not announced to its donors and volunteers.
To understand Browne’s new strategy, start with how FEC regulations affect Federal Campaigns.
Federal Election Laws create an artificial line at October 18. The last FEC report available to the public before Election Day reveals campaign finances through October 18, 2000. Spending after October 19 is not seen by the public until the next FEC report, which is filed in mid-December. A campaign manager’s policies on handing out money may change radically on October 19. No matter what the manager does, the public won’t learn while it still matters. The public will then have four years to forget what happened.
We are right before the election, the few weeks when many Americans pay attention to political campaigns. In states in which one party or the other had the election wrapped up, advertising for the Democratic-Republican candidates had ended. One Party knew it had locked up the election in that state; no further spending was needed. The other Party knew it had lost the election in that state; no further spending could change the outcome. There was no competition for media time at the Presidential level in those states. TV ads in these states would reach into marketplaces that the Democratic- Republicans shunned. Here was an opportunity for outreach advertising.
What was the new Campaign strategy? On October 18, the Browne Campaign stopped buying TV ads. Instead of outreach, the Campaign dramatically increased payments to its long-term associates and their companies. Exact amounts appear in the Table at the end of the Chapter.
The Campaign did spend another $30,000 to produce television ads, but did not air them. What did the Campaign get for its advertising money? The new ads were seen by the producers, the campaign staff, and perhaps the party faithful at fundraising events. They were not seen by the American people that they might have influenced.
Debts
The FEC Filing covering October 19 through to the General Election and out to November 27 was dutifully filed on December 14. The report shows income of $265,000, disbursements of $270,000, and closing cash on hand of twenty thousand dollars. According to the report, the Committee owed no remaining debts and obligations. This absence of outstanding obligations is contrary to representations made in December by the Browne Committee to the Libertarian National Committee and to Libertarians everywhere. These representations claimed significant debt during the same period. We’ll return to the debt question.
Payments to the campaign’s associates amounted to almost 21% of spending. Payments to firms long associated with the campaign raised that total to 27%. Harry Browne had been receiving amounts typically around $1000 a month to cover his expenses. For this month he was paid $11,500 for travel, office supplies, and other costs. Of course, this reporting period ended several weeks after election day. The candidate had nearly a month after elections to sit down, collect his receipts, and put everything in order. It is not surprising that the candidate’s reported expenses rose when he had time to report them.
People paid during the period, and the purposes of the salary, include: Jim Babka, $4483 as salary. Sue Babka, $233 as salary. Laura Carno, $9745 as salary. Michael Cloud, $8507 in travel and fundraising commissions. Robert Flohr, $2939 as salary. Ryan Goldfinger, $78 for payroll. Debra Greeson, $3019 as salary. Penny Nicolai, $924 as salary. Jennifer Willis, $1346 as salary. For ‘campaign management’, Perry Willis received $12,282. Stephanie Yanik received $3500 for ‘administrative services’. Optopia Productions received $1696 for phone, travel, insurance, and office supplies.
Mixed reimbursements were reported for: Harry Browne, $11,500 for travel, office supplies, and phone. Robert Brunner, $3050 for travel, office supplies, and salary. Robert DeVoil, $3212 for printing, office supplies, and data entry. William J Olson PC Trust Account, $10,000 for legal services. Stuart Reges received $2185 for phone, office supplies, and payroll. Steve Willis was given $7811 for phone, office supplies, and salary, including payments of exactly $4000 and $2500.
In tabular form, payments to associates were:
Jim Babka $4,483
Sue Babka $233
Robert Brunner $3,000
Laura Carno $9,744
Michael Cloud $8,507
Robert Devoil $3,212
Robert Flohr $2,939
Ryan Goldfinger $ 78
Debra Greeson $3,019
Penny Nicolai $924
Jennifer Willis $3,146
Steve Willis $7,811
Perry Willis $12,282
Stephanie Yanik $3,500
TOTAL: $55,848
In addition, there were payments to firms associated with people having long ties to the campaign:
Optopia $1,696
Web Commanders $15,551
TOTAL $17,425
Other expenses included:
Hotels and Events $62,669
Polaris Productions $30,000
Seabreeze Travel $24,619
Mount Vernon $18,207 (printing)
William Olson $10,000 (legal services)
Cardservice $5,095
Telecomm Services $3,983
Newman Communications $3,500 (publicity)
Accumail $3,230
Finally, Harry Browne was repaid $1500 of his loans to his own campaign. According to the FEC reports, these were the last debts owed by the campaign. FEC reports show that at the start of December, the Browne Campaign had paid off all of its debts, and was debt-free.
Having reached election day, Harry Browne and his staff had given the Libertarian Party a political campaign that had raised large sums of money for private foundations and associations, some associated with his campaign staff. He had given the Libertarian Party a campaign that had spent almost half its income on campaign staffers and their firms. All this might, have been forgiven, though, if Browne 2000 had shown sign of electoral improvement over Browne 1996. What actually happened? That’s in our next Chapter.
